JV1: What are the main issues faced by the workers in the Philippines?

JMS: In a semicolonial and semifeudal system prevailing in the Philippines, the working class is confronted with issues and problems resulting from the domination of foreign monopoly capitalism and the local exploiting classes of big compradors, landlords and corrupt bureaucrats. These deny the toiling masses of democracy and social justice. The working class confronts today the US imperialist-imposed neoliberal policy on the Philippines that breeds mass unemployment, short-term contractualization, low wages, skyrocketing prices of basic goods and services, and lack of social services. The working class suffer from problems brought about by raising the profits of the foreign and local capitalists.

JV2: What is your view of the Duterte government’s vacillations with regard to fulfilling its promise to end labor contractualization and also the effects of the “Build, Build, Build” projects and the TRAIN Law on the workers? As it did not fulfill this and other promises, why did the national democratic movement not denounce it in the past two years despite your belief that this government’s 10- point socioeconomic program is no different from those of previous governments? How big a factor is the worsening situation of the Filipino masses in the intensifying social and political polarization, especially on the temporary unity of movements with various orientations and lines; conservative, liberal and progressive?

JMS: It has become clear that Duterte is anti-worker and a liar with regard to his promise to end contractualization once he became president. In addition, he uses the Build, Build, Build projects to justify the TRAIN Law to raise taxes and the prices of basic goods and services.

The national democratic movement has promptly denounced and opposed the broken promises and increased suffering inflicted on the people by the Duterte regime. BAYAN was prompt in criticizing Duterte’s neoliberal 10-point program announced by his economic team in May 2016 before he was swore in as president.

In the legal democratic movement, it is all right for the struggle to take the form of a combination of raising demands and petitions with those in power. There are differences between the legal and armed forms of struggle.

The worsening in the situation and suffering of the Filipino masses is rapid. As a result, the social polarization is also rapid; and this pushes progressives, liberals and conservatives into a broad united front to fight, isolate and defeat the ultra-reactionary Duterte regime.

JV3.: Can you please summarize the long history of the spontaneous and organized rising of the Filipino working class along the national and democratic line? Can you also explain the response of the Church to the continuing struggle of the working class according to its social teachings in relation to social justice and the long history of its involvement in the different aspects of the life of the ordinary Filipino? What is the relevance of the general program of the national democratic movement and the social teachings of the Church in relation to social justice and human rights, especially to the workers as a whole?

JMS: When the old democratic revolution ripened in the last decade of the 19th century, the patriotic and class sentiment against Spanish colonialism had already arisen among the workers. Thus, the actions of workers like Andres Bonifacio and among the guilds of workers at the harbors, warehouses, tabacaleras (cigar and cigarette factories), printing presses and other firms became prominent.

In January 1902, the Union Obrera Democratica (UOD) was formed to gather the patriotic industrial unions that had been organized earlier. When May 1, 1903 came, a big gathering of workers celebrated the International Labor Day. This was the first celebration of May 1 as Labor Day in the Philippines. The continued development of modern unionism in the Philippines followed.

The recognized founder of UOD, Isabelo de los Reyes, was also the founder of Iglesia Filipina Independiente (IFI). The IFI was supportive of the labor movement. The priests and churchgoers of IFI came from the Catholic Church. But the Catholic Church remained reactionary in relation to the labor movement. At the initiative of the Jesuits, studies were conducted at the Ateneo de Manila in the decade of the 1930s on the Pope’s social encyclicals that advocated a regressive, anti-Bolshevik and anti-socialist concept of social justice. Among the Spanish Dominican friars, were many who sympathized with Franco’s fascism that crushed the labor movement in Spain.

In the 1950s, in conjunction with the suppression of the Communist Party and People’s Liberation Army and the anti-communist witch hunt during the Cold War, American Jesuits set up the Institute of Social Order in an attempt to seize the initiative among the workers. In this climate, they succeeded in setting up the Federation of Free Workers.

In the 1960s, the Second Vatican Council emerged and gave birth to a relatively progressive wave among the priests and nuns in the Catholic Church. From this wave arose the seminal elements of Christians for National Liberation (CNL) in 1969. From then on, the CNL made moderate advances until this accelerated because of Marcos’ imposition of fascist dictatorship in the Philippines.

The CNL played a big role in fighting the violations of human rights and in advocating for the movement for national and social liberation. Today, CNL has grown big and strong throughout the Philippines. Here, Catholics, IFI and Protestants are together. They are determined to fight the actions of Duterte and his minions in violating human rights and their cursing and abuse of religious and church people.

JV4: What is the importance for the workers of the efforts to revive the peace negotiations between the government and the NDFP?

JMS: The efforts to revive the peace negotiations between the GRP and NDFP is important for the workers and the people. But we should not place too much hope on these talks because Duterte’s mind and posturing is quick to change and it is not yet clear if he has abandoned his malicious ambition to impose a fascist dictatorship in the Philippines under the banner of a fake federalism. Duterte’s ruling clique is composed of extremely brutal and greedy people.

JV5: Can the Filipino workers hope for something in the preparations for the coming barangay elections and the early preparations of politicians whether of PDP-LABAN or the Liberal Party for the national elections in 2019 with regard to supporting candidates who take up the issues of the workers? What are the challenges and prospects for the workers in connection with efforts to revive the peace talks and early preparations for the 2019 national elections?

JMS: We should not put hope on the elections of the ruling system to change the system of oppression and exploitation. Contrary to the hope that the elections in 2016 would result in a good president, it is clear that Duterte is only good at making promises and tricks.

Nevertheless, legal processes like elections and peace talks are opportunities for presenting programs and issues important for the working class and other oppressed and exploited classes and sectors.

Let us strive to propagate the national and democratic consciousness and help the advance of patriotic and progressive parties and candidates in elections. The peace talks is also an opportunity to propagate the NDFP Program for a people’s democratic revolution, raise the consciousness of the Filipino people and expand their revolutionary forces.

The working class and the Filipino people must rely on their own efforts in fighting against the imperialists and the local exploiting classes and for liberation from their oppression and exploitation. If the Filipino people are steadfast and militant in fighting under the leadership of the working class and its revolutionary Party, the revolution will surely advance to complete the democratic revolution and move on to socialist revolution and construction.